Selasa, 05 Mei 2015

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Shooting for a Century: The India-Pakistan Conundrum, by Stephen P. Cohen

The rivalry between India and Pakistan has proven to be one of the world's most intractable international conflicts, ever since 1947 when the British botched their departure from the South Asian subcontinent. And the enmity is likely to continue for another thirty-five years, reaching the century mark. This has critical implications for both countries and the rest of the world. Renowned South Asia expert Stephen P. Cohen explains why he expects this rivalry to continue in this first comprehensive survey of the deep historical, cultural, and strategic differences that underpin the hostility.

In recent years the stakes have increased as India and Pakistan have each acquired a hundred or more nuclear weapons, blundered into several serious crises, and become victims of terrorism, some of it from across their borders. America is puzzled by the problem of dealing with a rising India and a struggling Pakistan, and Cohen offers a fresh approach for U.S. policy in dealing with these two powers.

Drawing on his rich experience in South Asia to explore the character, depth, and origin of Indian and Pakistani attitudes toward each other, Cohen develops a comprehensive theory of why the dispute between New Delhi and Islamabad is likely to persist. He also describes the terrible cost of this animosity for the citizens of India and Pakistan, including the region's high levels of violence and low level of economic integration. On a more hopeful note, however, he goes on to suggest developments that could ameliorate the tension, including a more active role for the UnitedStates in addressing a range of issues that divide the nations. Kashmir is one of these issues, but as much a consequence as a cause of the rivalry.

Can India and Pakistan resolve their many territorial and identity issues? Perhaps the best they can expect in the near term is a limited degree of normalization, including bottom-up ideas generated by the peace and business communities, as well as a realistic assessment by strategic elites of the two states' shared common interests.

"Right now, full normalization seems unlikely," Cohen writes in the preface, "so this book is suffused with conditional pessimism: normalization would be desirable, but there are worse futures than a projection of the present rivalry for another thirty years or more."

  • Sales Rank: #985262 in Books
  • Published on: 2013-05-30
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.30" h x .90" w x 6.27" l, 1.16 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 236 pages

Review

"The approach...is fresh and the treatment forthright: both worth noting in a scholar-practitioner whose 50-year career of writing on India and Pakistan might have left him with little new to say about bridging the divide between the two countries. That Cohen is able to take up the challenge stems from his frank admission that the 'full normalization' of relations between India and Pakistan is unlikely for at least another generation: they could still be shooting at each other a century after partition."―International Affairs

About the Author

Stephen P. Cohen is a senior fellow in Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution. Long considered one of America's premier experts on South Asia, he has a number of books to his credit, including India: Emerging Power, The Idea of Pakistan, and Arming without Aiming: India's Military Modernization (with Sunil Dasgupta).

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9 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
An Outstanding Book
By T.V. Paul
This is an outstanding book; one of the rare intellectual projects that attempts to understand the reasons for the persistence of the India-Pakistan rivalry for nearly 65 years. It is a major advancement in our understanding of the complex factors involved in the India-Pakistan conflict dynamics. It also offers multiple pathways through which this conflict could be resolved or prolonged. Although the book is not a theory-driven work, it does use some relevant theories, especially towards the end. Its strength lies in bringing out the deep empirical factors, especially from the decades of understanding Prof. Cohen has developed as a result of his interactions with the protagonists from the region as well as US policymakers. It deftly uses published materials from the region to show the differing perspectives of the actors in both countries. South Asia regional specialists, policymakers, and all others interested in enduring rivalries, especially among international relations scholars must take this book seriously.
T.V. Paul, James McGill Professor of International Relations, McGill University and author of The Warrior State: Pakistan in the Contemporary World Oxford University Press, 2013.

6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
Exceptionally Clear Analysis
By E. Slavitt
This is an exceptionally clear and cogent analysis of a part of the world that does not get sufficient attention in the United States. India and Pakistan have been in conflict since their inception and there appears to be no prospect for resolution. The history of wars between them is made even more threatening by their possession of nuclear weapons. Mr. Cohen does a masterful job of distilling down his deep knowledge of the region into an organized and insightful analysis accessible even to readers unfamiliar with the region and its history. It is a fascinating story of two countries which profoundly misunderstand each other and, to some extent, themselves. I recommend it highly.

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Daughers of the Raj
By L. King
An excellent analysis and background description of political stresses between India and Pakistan, though one that often skims over technical details. Cohen begins with a map of South East Asia showing the administrative boundaries that existed on the eve of Partion on August 15, 1947. Exacerbated by wide spread violence and a massive population exchange, Pakistan (both East and West) staked its identity on being a secular Muslim state and India, primarily Hindu, was (mostly) secular and democratic.

The one major success in diplomatic relations between the two countries has been the Indus Basin Water treaty where instead of fighting over water resources, per the suggestions of the World Bank, the focus has been on managing and increasing the supply. Kashmir and Jammu are, taken together, form a major territorial point of contention. Resource rich and naturally beautiful it is mostly Muslim and contiguous to Pakistan, though it is also the ancestral homeland of both the Gandhi and Nehru dynasties and contains Hindu and Buddhist minorities. The issue of minority rights is a focal point - Kashmir as a Muslim minority in a sea of Hindus and local Hindus and Buddhists within a pool of Muslims. Cohen outlines possible resolutions however the default consensus is to muddle through using the "Line of Control", based on the 1972 Simla ceasefire agreement, which acts as the de facto border between the two states. However Kashmir dwindles in importance the further one gets from Delhi or Islamabad and local issues and identities take precedence.

Another indicator of problems is the low amount of direct trade amounting to $3B US/yr between the two, whereas Indian trade with China is $74B and Pakistani trade is $11B. But this doesn't take into account smuggling activities nor indirect trade via 3rd party shipping through ports of convenience such as Dubai. Often the transit is on paper only and the ships travel directly. Similarly Cohen finds that intra-regional telecomm traffic only amounts to 7% of the total communication going outside each country, vs. 71% for East Asia - people just aren't talking to each other.
Cohen labels India-Pakistan as typical of what he calls "Paired-Minority Conflicts" such as Israel/Palestine, Germany/France, Greece/Turkey and Tamil/Sinhalese where the minority of one or both groups is embedded in the other. Indians worry that Pakistan's passion for Kashmir sends a separatist message to other Indian Muslim majority states. The government therefore treads carefully with its 200 million Muslims so as not to encourage a 5th column. Pakistan sees itself as a small but tough Muslim David defending itself against a Hindu Goliath, fearing a second Bangladesh, such as might occur in Balouchistan. The army and intelligence services (ISI) are much more important than in India, Pakistan has had a strategy of trying to draw in outside support for their opposition against India, appealing to both national actors and NGOs. For the most part the Great Powers have shored up either one side or both in order to support their own regional goals and rivalries, but have wisely avoided entering the conflict on one side or the other.

In spite of their common history prior to Partition the overall cooperative spirit between the two countries is low, each taking pleasure in the misfortunes befalling the other. As one Indian analyst wagged, hoping to make it someone else's problem, Pakistan ought to be encouraged to become a Middle Eastern country, if it would temper its obsession with India. However now that Pakistan is a nuclear power, given the growth of Islamic terrorism and keeping the 2008 Mumbai attacks in mind, there is a growing realization that Pakistan must if necessary be allowed to flourish, if only because the potential cost of it falling apart may be too high to deal with.

An excellent read that teaches new ways of seeing international relations. 4.8*/5. Recommended!

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Senin, 04 Mei 2015

? Free Ebook Delivering Aid Differently: Lessons from the FieldFrom Brookings Institution Press

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We live in a new reality of aid. Gone is the traditional bilateral relationship, the old-fashioned mode of delivering aid, and the perception of the third world as a homogenous block of poor countries in the south. Delivering Aid Differently describes the new realities of a $200 billion aid industry that has overtaken this traditional model of development assistance.

As the title suggests, aid must now be delivered differently. Here, case study authors consider the results of aid in their own countries, highlighting field-based lessons on how aid works on the ground, while focusing on problems in current aid delivery and on promising approaches to resolving these problems.

Contributors include Cut Dian Agustina (World Bank), Getnet Alemu (College of Development Studies, Addis Ababa University), Rustam Aminjanov (NAMO Consulting), Ek Chanboreth and Sok Hach (Economic Institute of Cambodia), Firuz Kataev and Matin Kholmatov (NAMO Consulting), Johannes F. Linn (Wolfensohn Center for Development at Brookings), Abdul Malik (World Bank, South Asia), Harry Masyrafah and Jock M. J. A. McKeon (World Bank, Aceh), Francis M. Mwega (Department of Economics, University of Nairobi), Rebecca Winthrop (Center for Universal Education at Brookings), Ahmad Zaki Fahmi (World Bank)

  • Sales Rank: #2216908 in Books
  • Published on: 2010-09-16
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 8.98" h x .82" w x 6.41" l, .93 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 286 pages

Review

"Can aid deliver the economic, social, and political transformations development demands, or is it condemned to small successes and failures? This is the central question that Wolfgang Fengler and Homi Kharas take on. Their approach is novel: to elicit the answers from scholars from the aid-recipient countries themselves. I commend this book to all those interested in reforming how aid is delivered so that it eventually becomes redundant."—Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Managing Director, The World Bank, and former Minister of Finance, Nigeria



"Having headed the post-tsunami recovery effort in Aceh, I experienced firsthand that aid needs to be delivered differently. If you empower local leadership and set up effective coordination, you also can deliver aid differently and transform the lives of people on the ground. This book is the first of its kind to summarize these lessons from the field and put them together in a coherent framework. It is an inspiration for the whole international community."—Dr. Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, former head of the Aceh and Nias Reconstruction Agency (2004–09)



"This book highlights the problems faced by recipient countries in prioritizing and managing aid receipts. Its recommendation to strengthen and differentiate aid coordination and management at the recipient country level is very appropriate. Both development partners and recipient countries need a constructive discussion; and hearing the aid recipients can yield crucial insights."—Farrukh Khamraliev, Minister of Economic Development and Trade, Tajikistan

About the Author

Wolfgang Fengler is a lead economist in the Nairobi office of the World Bank, where he covers Kenya, Rwanda, Eritrea, and Somalia. Previously, he was a senior economist in the Jakarta office and managed the Public Finance and Regional Development team.

Homi Kharas is a senior fellow for Global Economy and Development at the Brookings Institution. Before joining Brookings, he was chief economist for the East Asia and Pacific Region at the World Bank.

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Rabu, 29 April 2015

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Examines the social values and family and political norms among Lebanese college students, within the context of civil strife, a new regional political system, a new world order, and diverse economic and political conditions.

  • Sales Rank: #6281579 in Books
  • Published on: 2000-07
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: .49" h x 6.07" w x 9.02" l,
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 224 pages

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Selasa, 28 April 2015

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Shifting power balances in the world are shaking the foundations of the liberal international order and revealing new fault lines at the intersection of human rights and international security. Will these new global trends help or hinder the world's long struggle for human rights and democracy? The answer depends on the role of five rising democracies—India, Brazil, South Africa, Turkey, and Indonesia—as both examples and supporters of liberal ideas and practices.

Ted Piccone analyzes the transitions of these five democracies as their stars rise on the international stage. While they offer important and mainly positive examples of the compatibility of political liberties, economic growth, and human development, their foreign policies swing between interest-based strategic autonomy and a principled concern for democratic progress and human rights. In a multipolar world, the fate of the liberal international order depends on how they reconcile these tendencies.

  • Sales Rank: #1723480 in Books
  • Published on: 2016-02-23
  • Released on: 2016-02-23
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 8.90" h x 1.00" w x 5.90" l, .0 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 250 pages

Review
Ted Piccone has produced a balanced, detailed, and hopeful analysis of the essential role these five emerging powers can play in addressing global demands for greater democracy and human rights. Europe’s own contribution in this regard is well known. This book adds another untold dimension to the story and offers constructive ideas for building a stronger international consensus for universal values.
—Javier Solana, former European Union High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy

We have learned from our own national experience the importance of building democracy at home and of living with democratic neighbors. Piccone documents well how these two factors have propelled states like Brazil, India, and South Africa forward and recommends pragmatic ways to strengthen the international order. His assessment of recent history is timely and welcomed.
—Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former President of Brazil

In the many years I have known Ted Piccone, I have found him to be a thoughtful commentator on the subject of democratic transition and consolidation. His observations and perspectives are based on a deep understanding of democratic theory and practice. His analysis is enlightened by that experience, and this book is a welcome addition to the discussion of democratic development at a time when it is under threat.
—Kim Campbell, former Prime Minister of Canada

About the Author

Ted Piccone is a senior fellow with the Project on International Order and Strategy and the Latin America Initiative in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings. His research is focused on global democracy and human rights policies; U.S.-Latin American relations, including Cuba; emerging powers; and multilateral affairs.

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Sabtu, 25 April 2015

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The Poet and the Diplomat: The Correspondence of Dag Hammarskjöld and Alexis Leger (Peace and Conflict Resolution), by Alexis Leger

Affords an English-speaking audience rare access to the revealing correspondence between two Nobel prize winners. Marie-Noelle Little's expansive prologue to this book, sets the stage for situating the two world-renowned personalities in their exchange of letters during the six years before Hammarskjold's death. The letters themselves are characterized by world vision, a noble tone, and delicate sentiments. Alexis Leger - later known as the poet Saint-John Perse - and Dag Hammarskjold were important figures in diplomatic and literary spheres and their lives shared a number of uncanny parallels that eventually brought them into contact with one another. Alexis Leger, French Secretary General of Foreign Affairs, perhaps saw in Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold the continuation of his diplomatic career, while Hammarskjold, in the midst of difficult international crisies, found inspiration and strength in reading and translating Perse's poem Chronique. This correspondence has both literary and political content that sheds light on some of the major political events of the day but also serves as an important manifestation of the tradition of connecting diplomacy and the arts.

  • Sales Rank: #1489702 in Books
  • Color: Grey
  • Published on: 2001-09-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.32" h x .77" w x 6.28" l, .95 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 146 pages

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Jumat, 24 April 2015

~ Get Free Ebook Contemporary Muslim Apocalyptic Literature (Religion and Politics), by David Cook

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Contemporary Muslim Apocalyptic Literature (Religion and Politics), by David Cook

Although apocalyptic visions and predictions have long been part of classical and contemporary Islam, this book is the first scholarly work to cover this disparate but influential body of writing. David Cook puts the literature in context by examining not only the ideological concerns prompting apocalyptic material but its interconnection with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Arab relations with the United States and other Western nations, and the role of violence in the Middle East.
Cook suggests that Islam began as an apocalyptic movement and has retained a strong apocalyptic and messianic trend. One of his most striking discoveries is the influence of non-Islamic sources on contemporary Muslim apocalyptic beliefs. He trenchantly discusses the influence of non-Islamic sources on contemporary Muslim apocalyptic writing, tracing anti-Semitic strains in Islamist thought in part to Western texts and traditions. Through a meticulous reading of current documents, incorporating everything from exegesis of holy texts to supernatural phenomena, Cook shows how radical Muslims, including members of al-Qa'ida, may have applied these ideas to their own agendas. By exposing the undergrowth of popular beliefs contributing to religion-driven terrorism, this book casts new light on today's political conflicts.

  • Sales Rank: #1189029 in Books
  • Published on: 2008-07-21
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.00" h x .62" w x 6.30" l, .87 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 272 pages

Review
"A fascinating read.... Readers will benefit from Cook's extensive knowledge of the classical apocalyptic literature in both the Shiite and the Sunni traditions. Cook's mastery of such sources, moreover, enables him to underline the modern and popular nature of the new apocalyptic texts and expose their hybrid nature." - International Journal of Middle East Studies "Cook demonstrates convincingly that... there has been a marked upsurge of interest in eschatological motifs in the modern period, especially since the Six-Day War of 1967.... Recommended." - Choice"

About the Author
David Cook is associate professor of religious studies at Rice University. He is the author of Studies in Muslim Apocalyptic, Understanding Jihad, and Martyrdom in Islam.

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2 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
A solid way to help understand a culture that needs understanding in today's shrinking world
By Midwest Book Review
You can tell much about a culture through its literature. "Contemporary Muslim Apocalyptic Literature" is a scholarly examination of the modern Islamic view of the apocalypse and how it applies to today's touchy and tricky ground involving the religion. Looking at the sources, the influences, the impact on society, and the messages of the literature on modern Islamic society, "Contemporary Muslim Apocalyptic Literature" is a solid way to help understand a culture that needs understanding in today's shrinking world.

0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Contemporary Muslim Apocalyptic Literature...
By painbuster
not impressed.returned the book

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Kamis, 23 April 2015

## Free PDF Politics, Markets, and America's Schools, by John E. Chubb, Terry M. Moe

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Politics, Markets, and America's Schools, by John E. Chubb, Terry M. Moe

During the 1980s, widespread dissatisfaction with America's schools gave rise to a powerful movement for educational change, and the nation's political institutions responded with aggressive reforms. Chubb and Moe argue that these reforms are destined to fail because they do not get to the root of the problem. The fundamental causes of poor academic performance, they claim, are not to be found in the schools, but rather in the institutions of direct democratic control by which the schools have traditionally been governed. Reformers fail to solve the problem-when the institutions ARE the problem. The authors recommend a new system of public education, built around parent-student choice and school competition, that would promote school autonomy—thus providing a firm foundation for genuine school improvement and superior student achievement.

  • Sales Rank: #637570 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Brookings Institution Press
  • Published on: 1990-06-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.02" h x .76" w x 5.98" l, 1.10 pounds
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 336 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review

"[Listed by Philanthropy as one of the Eight Books that Changed America]: [Chubb and Moe] have done nothing less than produce what is probably the most influential book on K-12 education of the last generation.... Some advocates have been frustrated that school choice hasn't made more political progress, but one things for sure: Without the pioneering work of Chubb and Moe, it wouldn't be where it is today. "—John J. Miller, National Review, Philanthropy, 7/1/2002



"Surely the most eagerly awaited education book of the year, and very likely destined to become the most influential."—Chester E. Finn, Jr., Vanderbilt University



"Theoretically innovative, empirically well-grounded, methodologically sophistcated, and bristling with provocative policy implications, this study is both path-breaking and definitive. What's more, it explains for the first time exactly how politics makes a difference in American education."—Paul E. Peterson, Harvard University

From the Back Cover
During the 1980s, widespread dissatisfaction with America's schools gave rise to a powerful movement for educational change, and he nations's political institutions responded with aggressive reforms. Chubb and Moe argue that these reforms are destined to fail because they do not get to the root of the problem

About the Author

John E. Chubb is a founding partner of Edison Schools and a nonresident senior fellow in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution.

Terry M. Moe is professor of political science at Stanford University and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. He has written extensively on American education and American political institutions.

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11 of 12 people found the following review helpful.
Foundational book for those serious about improving public schools!
By Amazon Customer
Politics, Markets and America's schools was published over 20 years ago, but having stayed current in the debate I can highly recommend this book as still being highly relevant for today's debate on how to reform public education.

First and foremost any one star reviewer labeling this as right-wing propaganda did not read it or is willing to lie about what they read.

The Brooking Institute is hardly a conservative think-tank. Rather, it is notably a moderate think tank. At the time of publication both Terry Moe and John Chubb were distinguished professors at Stanford University. They are hardly right-wing ideologues. What they are is very knowledgeable and credible academics concerned about the dismal state of public education.

In fact Politics, Markets and America's schools is a scholarly, yet accessible treatment of the factors that contribute to successful schools.

Moe and Chubb do cross-sectional studies of dozens existing studies that examine educational performance and come to their conclusions based upon real data, not ideology.

This book is not an attack on the concept public education, but instead is a critique of what public education has become and how it is structured. Moe and Chubb point out exactly why public education is failing and will continue to fail unless some fairly radical actions are taken.

If you want a book that provides a unbiased view of the state of public education (everything they said in 1990 is even more true today) and then makes concrete suggestions on how to improve it, then Politics, Market's and America's Schools is an excellent read that provides a great foundation for this very important debate.

5 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
An important work to consider on school choice
By Steven Peterson
How can we enhance students' performance in America's schools? This is a question raised by many people. One answer has been to enhance choice--whether through vouchers or charter schools or. . . .

One of the most important recent work advocating choice is Chubb and Moe's Politics, Markets, and America's Schools. They present a three part argument: (1) private schools have lower levels of bureaucratic influence; (2) less bureaucratic influence makes school organization more functional; (3) better organized schools produce greater achievement gains among their students. Three separate multiple regression statistical analyses provide modest support for their contentions.

While I do not see any evidence that there is one single "silver bullet" that can magically transform American schools, this book is important to look at as part of a wider dialogue. I think that choice by itself won't make a huge difference; however, it might be one part of a larger picture. And this book is an important component of that debate. . . .

7 of 15 people found the following review helpful.
bad policy analysis
By not a natural
I first read Chubb and Moe's views on the purported superiority of private secondary schools in the form of a long paper they presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association in New Orleans in 1984. When it was published as a book-length monograph, I was surprised to see that it's methodological and rhetorical limitations were as damaging as in the original paper. Nevertheless, this book remains an oft-cited staple among proponents of private schooling as an institution that is forced to function effectively because it is subject to market forces. Contrast this with public schooling, an institution which ostensibly operates as a lazy monopoly. The most telling passage in Chubb and Moe's polemic can be usefully paraphrased as follows: schools that give higher-order values precedence over market forces inevitably undercut educational effectiveness. Higher-order values include equality of educational opportunity and the tenets of Catholicism. If Chubb and Moe are right, they are asking us to give up a great deal to make markets work.

Beyond that, it's important to acknowledge that Chubb and Moe never get around to actually comparing public and private schools in term of their efficacy in promoting student achievement. Instead, they identify administrative characteristics that they have found to be more common in private high schools then public ones. At that point, they run regression analyses to determine if the bundle of ostensibly efficacious administrative practices is associated with enhanced achievement. They find miniscule advantages, but one wonders if even the statistical significance of the coefficient for this composite variable is not an artifact of their unusually large sample size. Substantively, the effect of the composite is negligible.

Their regression analyses are rendered further problematic by Chubb and Moe's decision to use achievement gains as their dependent variable. A statistically more powerful procedure is to use achievement at time one as one of the control variables, with achievement at time two as the dependent variable.

Perhaps the most disingenuous and troubling part of Chubb and Moe's book is their second chapter, wherein they a present a long list of bivariate analyses and tacitly invite the reader to interpret the results in causal terms that are consistent with their argument. Not 'til the beginning of the third chapter do the authors acknowledge that causal interpretations of bivariate associations are not warranted. By then, however, for the unsuspecting reader unschooled in statistical methods, the damage is done.

Politics, Markets, and America's School is not only a bad book, based on deeply flawed statistical analyses and objectionable substantive demands, it is a fundamentally dishonest book. I doubt that the authors were so ill-informed that they did not appreciate what they were doing, so it's dishonest by design.

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