## PDF Ebook Detente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan, revised edition, by Raymond Garthoff

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In this revised edition of his well-received 1985 volume, Raymond Gathoff incorporates newly declassified secret Russian as well as American materials into his account of American-Soviet relations from 1969-1980. The book considers both the broader context of world politics and internal political considerations and developments, and examines these developments as experienced by both sides. It also recounts how differences in ideology, perceptions, aims and interests were key determinants of both US and Soviet policies.

• Sales Rank: #2274693 in Books
• Brand: Brand: Brookings Institution Press
• Published on: 1994-09-01
• Ingredients: Example Ingredients
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 2.10" h x 6.49" w x 9.29" l, 3.52 pounds
• Binding: Paperback
• 1206 pages

Features

• Used Book in Good Condition

From Library Journal
A retired Foreign Service Officer and Brookings fellow dissects Soviet-American relations from 1969 through 1984 to determine just what detente was, why it failed, and whether it has a future. Garthoff's readable analysis treats events, personalities, and concepts in almost ovewhelming but fascinating detail, supported by exhaustive research and spiced by the anecdotes of one who often was there. He proceeds from the position that some combination of cooperation and competition offers a viable means of avoiding nuclear war. He concludes that detente failed because of conflicting understandings of the concept, exacerbated by a marked lack of empathy on both sides. A monumental contribution offering insightful, rarely considered comparisons of Soviet and American perspectives. Essential for academic and large public libraries; highly recommended for most others. James R. Kuhlman, Univ. of Georgia Lib., Athens
Copyright 1985 Reed Business Information, Inc.

Most helpful customer reviews

3 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
Dryreading, but invaluable.
By pnotley@hotmail.com
This book is a bit dry, but it is an invaluable discussion of its subject, Soviet-American diplomacy in the seventies. Garthoff was a diplomat at the time, and his account is based on a wide reading of all availabe sources. Although neither side was as imaginative or informed or as sensitive as they should have been, Garthoff presents a compelling case that the United States was responsible for botching the opportunities for peace in this period. The case is even more compelling because Garthoff is so moderate and quiet in his argument. Much of the debate on detente has been confined to the Republican party, and to those Democrats who supported Republican policy. According to this limited debate, supporters of Ronald Reagan criticized the supporters of Nixon and Kissinger for their unduly idealistic view of a rapprochment with the Soviets. Naturally Nixon and Kissinger argued that their view was the height of realism. A slightly different version of this debate would be held in the Carter administration as national security adviser Zbigniew Brezezinski criticized Secretary of State Cyrus Vance while neoconservatives damned Carter as an appeaser.
With the possible exception of Vance these arguments were wrong from beginning to end. If Nixon and Kissinger ever believed that Russia could be a "normal power," they overreacted and panicked whenever the Soviet Union sought, like a normal power, to expand its influence. Out of spite towards Indira Gandhi and warped realpolitik, Kissinger and Nixon deluded themselves that India, with Soviet encouragement, was going to attack Pakistan while the latter was slaughtering Bangladeshis. In fact the opposite happened (and Pakistan lost). Garthoff shows how Kissinger and Nixon paid insufficient attention to the technicalities of the arms race, so the number of nuclear arms boomed in the aftermath of SALT I. Garthoff's account of the Yom Kippur war, in which Nixon was in a drunken haze and Kissinger brought the world to the brink of war because he panicked and incorrectly thought the Russians were going to intervene, is, as they say, worth the price of the book itself.
Similar problems occured in Angola, Yemen, Ethiopa and Afghanistan. Essentially knowing nothing about these countries, many Americans viewed them as part of a cunning Soviet plot to expand its influence. In fact Communist agression was exagerrated (as in Yemen), or the Communists were not the aggressive party (as in Ethiopia's war with Somalia). Americans saw the brutal Soviet invasion of Afghanistan as part of a cunning plot to seize the world's oil reserves, when in fact it was a strictly local response to the incompetence of the Afghani party. (Who in turn had come to power almost by accident. They had reacted to a crackdown by the military government and found themselves in power.) Garthoff's account of these countries is especially detailed and well-informed.
By the 1980 election conservatives had claimed that there was a window of vulnerability and that the Soviet Union could conceivably defeat the United States in a first strike. This was, as Garthoff shows, a fantasy. Most American missiles were not even in landed silos, and a far greater percentage of Russian missiles were. Even if the best possible Soviet scenario, they could not reasonably expect to destroy more than a fifth of the US arsenal. By contrast, the Americans in the worst scenario could threaten to destroy two-fifths of the Russian one. Garthoff's book ends in an atmosphere of fear and ignorance. One should read his sequel, The Great Transition, to read how the World got out of this mess.

5 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Superb study of the Cold War
By William Podmore
Garthoff refutes the theory that the US state just responded to aggressive Soviet moves. He writes, "The Soviets' reaction to the NATO LRTNF [Long-Range Theater Nuclear Forces] decision was thus formed in the context of their belief - self-serving though it may have been - that their own modernization and replacement programs based on the SS-20 missile (and Backfire medium bomber) were consistent with maintaining an existing rough balance between the Soviet Union and the United States, and between the Warsaw Pact and NATO. The United States-led NATO decision was not a response, as claimed, nor a comparable modernization program. It was a major new escalation of the arms race and an attempt, by circumventing SALT [Strategic Arms Limitation Talks], to tip the overall strategic balance as well as the European nuclear balance to the advantage of the United States and NATO." (page 969.)

He also points out that the USSR was not an aggressor on the world stage, contrary to the lies put about by Reagan et al. As he writes, "All the cases of direct coercive use of Soviet military power occurred in its directly adjacent national security zone - Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), and Afghanistan (December 1979-February 1989). Each case was unquestionably perceived by the Soviet leaders as strategically defensive and protective against counterrevolutionary challenges, although objectively and analytically the actions were coercive. While the defensive nature of the Soviet action may not have been accepted, the significance of the subjective perceptions of a defensive purpose should not have been neglected in evaluating the question of a Soviet propensity to use force and in predicting whether, where, and when the Soviet Union might again have done so.

On the whole the United States used its own military forces coercively more frequently ..." (page 744.)

On the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, Garthoff wrote that to the Soviet leaders, "It was seen as the only solution to a specific situation on their borders that was threatening Soviet security." (page 1037.) "the Soviet decision was a reluctant recourse to defend vital interests." (Page 1074.)

Garthoff concludes, "There is no evidence that the Soviet leaders ever contemplated launching a military attack on the United States - or against NATO." (page 1153.) The US state, not the Soviet Union, raised the danger of nuclear war by its hodtility to any arms control agreements: as Gerthoff writes, "Regrettably, by the early 1980s, they [the Soviet leaders] came to see little prospect for arms control because of the shifting American stand. The United States had ratified none of the arms limitation treaties it had signed since 1974 and it had repudiated the SALT II Treaty signed in 1979." (page 1156.)

This extraordinary book gives a realistic picture of the US and Soviet records, and it gives the evidence needed to make intelligent judgements about world affairs.

4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Detailed AND comprehensive
By A Customer
I almost feel a twinge of guilt in not giving this superior work a full five stars, as it a wonderful resource for those studying the rise and fall of detente.
Mr. Garthoff offers readers both breadth and depth in his study of superpower politics, bringing insights to the formulation of foreign policy as well as the policy makers themselves. The book goes in depth on every important event in US-USSR relations in the late 1960s through the end of the 1970s, with a particular strength in detailing the arms control negotiations of the period.
The only reservation I have is the particular emphasis on the details of the diplomacy of detente. This substantial work is perhaps not well suited to those who are interested in the broad strokes of Cold War history, but those who want to learn about the nuts and bolts of policy making will be pleased.
On the other hand, Mr. Garthoff handles his treatment of the details in a clear and straight-forward style, with explanations of technical matters written to be understood by both novice and expert historians. From ABMs to Zbignew Brzezinski, Detente and Confrontation explains it all.

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! Download PDF Integrating China into the Global Economy, by Nicholas R. Lardy

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China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) has been hailed as the biggest coming-out party in the history of capitalism. Its membership eventually will contribute to higher standards of living for its citizens and increased growth for its economy. But why would the Chinese communist regime voluntarily agree to comply with the many complex rules of the global trading system since it has already become the world's seventh largest trading country while avoiding these constraints by remaining outside the system?

The answer to this question forms the basis for this new book. Nicholas Lardy explores the many pressures on the Chinese government, both external and internal, to comply with the standards of the rule-based international trading system. Lardy points out that, prior to entry into the WTO, China enjoyed high growth rates and more foreign direct investment than any other emerging economy. He draws on a wealth of scholarship and experience to explain how China's leadership expects to leverage the increased foreign competition inherent in its WTO commitments to accelerate its domestic economic reform program, leading to the shrinkage and transformation of inefficient, money-losing companies and hastening the development of a commercial credit culture in its banks. Lardy answers a number of other questions about China's new WTO membership, including its effects on bilateral trade with the United States; the possibility that China will use its power to reshape the WTO in the future; the degree to which the terms of China's entry were more or less demanding than those for other new members; the ability of China's economy to successfully open to new imports; and the prospects for new growth in various sectors of China's economy made possible by WTO accession. This book will become an important tool for those who wish to understand China's new role in the global trading system, to take advantage of the new opportunities for investment in China, or simply to gain a better understanding of what former President Clinton called a "once in a generation event."

• Sales Rank: #1438995 in Books
• Published on: 2001-12-01
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.02" h x .59" w x 5.98" l, .87 pounds
• Binding: Paperback
• 244 pages

Review

"This is the most comprehensive, thoughtful, and important treatment of China's involvement in the global economy that has been written to date. Lardy's detailed analysis of the opportunities and the challenges that both China and all its trading partners face is compulsory reading for leaders in government and business, as well as anyone else who wants to know a lot more about international commerce and finance in the years ahead. " —Jeffrey E. Garten, dean, former undersecretary of commerce for international trade, Yale School of Management

"Lardy brilliantly describes China's steady integration into the global economy over the past two decades. His detailed description of China's far-reaching commitments to secure WTO membership and how they will transform its economy and expand opportunities for foreign entrepreneurs is essential reading for anyone interested in doing business in China. His insightful analysis of how China's transformation will affect the region and the global trading system makes this volume a must-read for policymakers as well." —Carla Hills, Chair and CEO, former United States Trade Representative, Hills & Company

"A top-notch Brookings Institution analyst of both China's byzantine politics and its economy, Lardy sifts fact from hype with fresh research and solid analysis on a host of issues.... whether you're a bull or an alarmist, it will set the record straight." —Pete Engardio, BusinessWeek, 1/28/2002

"[A] timely book on China's great leap into the World Trade Organization [that] provide[s] a first look at the implications of that event, impressed into history." —Bruce Gilley, Contributing editor at FEER, Far Eastern Economic Review, 12/13/2001

"One of the most detailed investigations so far available." —Jasper Becker, South China Morning Post, 2/27/2002

"... just as valuable as [Lardy's] previous efforts: 'Integrating China into the Global Economy' is a solid attempt to take stock of China's economic progress to date and its progress over the next decade.... 'Integrating China' uses current data and careful research to back up convincing arguments about where China's economy is today, and where it is headed.... Each chapter can stand alone or as part of a larger discussion about what must happen for China's economy to continue to provide for its citizens." —Catherine Gelb, editor of The CBR, The China Business Review, 5/1/2002

"The depth and complexity of [his] analysis alone makes Lardy's book essential reading for anyone seeking to understand Chinese trade politics. It's more than that, though...." —Mark Johnson, Global Finance, 3/1/2002

"A concise formulation of the reasons to forgo policies that would retard China's progress toward becoming an economic power." —Philipp Smaylovsky, New York University School of Law, The Georgetown Public Policy Review, 4/1/2002

"... an excellent analysis.... impressive and convincing.... This well-written book is a must for all students of the Chinese economy. It is the most comprehensive book of its kind, and its subject is timely. The level of analysis is deep, supported with insightful sector-specific details, and balanced, providing facts and depicting contrary arguments." —Tarhan Feyzioglu, Senior Economist, IMF Asia and Pacific Department, Finance & Development, 9/1/2002

"'Integrating China' provides a tour through more than two decades of transition story about China's emergence onto the world economy, with one of the most knowledgeable and learned authorities in the field as the guide. It is certainly a valuable study-- serving beyond question not just as an essential reading for future scholarship, but also as a useful reference for practitioners of international business." —Yin-Ping Ho, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, The China Review, 10/1/2002

"The breadth and quality of analysis is outstanding." —Stephen Green, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK, International Affairs, 7/1/2002

"'Integrating China into the World Economy' is very well researched and well written. It is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the economic impact China will have in coming years." —John F. Copper, Rhodes College, Asian Affairs, 7/1/2002

"There are few topics more important than China's accession to the WTO, and there are few discussions of this topic more lucid than Lardy's. This is a 'must read'... for policy-makers in Washington." —Joseph Fewsmith, Boston University, The China Journal, 1/1/2003

"... we have the new book by Nicholas Lardy, certainly the most experienced and knowledgeable academic specialist in this field. Lardy is an exceptionally persuasive analyst who has worked on a wide variety of Chinese economic topics over the past thirty years. In his last two books, Lardy has left us all in his debt for illuminating the issues so brilliantly, while at the same time enabling us to take out a sophisticated hedge on the results." —Christopher Howe, School of Oriental and African Studies, Journal of Asian Studies

"Those who wish to understand the complexity of the international trading system, the gaming of rules that goes on, and the growing importance of China in the world economy will do well to read Lardy's fascinating book. Those who see China as a threat and disparage engagement as a sound foreign-policy strategy would do well to study Lardy's book." —James A. Dorn, Cato Institute, Cato Journal, 1/1/2003

"It presents sober and reasoned analyses of these issues and represents a solid attempt to take stock of China's economic progress to date and its prospects over the coming decade" —Laixiang Sun, The China Quarterly, 1/1/2003

"The entry of China into the WTO is the most important event in the short history of the WTO. Professor Lardy's book is a timely and definitive analysis of the event's many facets. Lardy is one of the most accomplished students of the Chinese economy. He asks the questions most important to scholars, policymakers, and interested Americans, including why has China been willing to take on difficult obligations exceeding those of existing members and other acceding nations and which can impose short-term risks and burdens on China? What is the potential for China's compliance with the WTO obligations? His answers are profound, balanced, and supported. No one who requires knowledge of the global impact of China's membership in the WTO should be without this book." —John H. Jackson, University Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center

About the Author

Nicholas R. Lardy is a senior fellow at the Institute for International Economics and a former senior fellow in the Foreign Policy Studies program at the Brookings Institution. His previous books include China in the World Economy (Institute for International Economics, 1994) and Foreign Trade and Economic Reform in China, 1978-1990 (Cambridge, 1992).

Most helpful customer reviews

4 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
A useful guide
By Bibliophile
China surpassed Japan in 2003 to become America's 3rd largest trade partner, after Canada and Mexico. Indeed, it won't be long - a couple of years at most - before China overtakes Mexico's position. In addition, China is already the world's 4th largest merchandise trader after the US, EU and Japan, and one of the top leading overall (merchandise plus services) trading nations of the world. By the end of this decade, perhaps before then, China will take over Japan's place as the world's 3rd largest overall trader in both merchandise and services - an astonishing performance for a country which practically did zero trade with the rest of the world only 25 years ago.
Policy-makers and businesspeople everywhere, and in America especially, need to sit up and listen to the sound, balanced, non-partisan, and cool-headed analysis by one of the world's leading experts on China and its role in the global trading system. And his name is Nicholas Lardy of the Brookings Institution.

4 of 38 people found the following review helpful.
How to integrate China into the Global Economy ?
By Chan Kon San Ivan
Globalization is the hot topic and major concerns for every government and enterprises in 2002.
How China can integrate into the Global ecomony ?
And How Hong Kong can still alive when facing the competition with China in 2003?
Mr. Zhu Rongji (Prime Minister of China) has spoken to all elite people and officials when trip to Hong Kong in November, 2002.
Hong Kong is facing the highest un-empolyment percentage in 2002 and it is over 8% of the total population now.
How to make Hong Kong can be rapid changing in the next decade? There are no industrial development as before due the higher costs than other provinces in China. So China will give them more pressure when getting the orders from Oversea's markets.
Reckon you can see the speeches of " Zhu Rongji " in his last trip to Hong Kong.
China and Hong Kong are the Business Partners since 1983.
But now they are the competitor in every business development.
So how Hong Kong can stay alive when facing the Global economy?
Hong Kong can only run their own way and don't let China copy their old ways.
Although it is not easy to go the new way, it is their own choice.
Don't think too late and must run from this minute.
E-commerce and E-business development is the only way to go and reckon it can work more faster than China's doer.
Hong Kong should be forgotten your doer's way and think to re-enginnering in your business structures and models.
Hard work is the old fashion for Hong Kong now.
New Fashion is the new ideas and new models when stepping into the E-business.
Hope Hong Kong's government can bring up all the elite people to come across the crisis of economy and deflation in the next decade.

See all 2 customer reviews...

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# Download Ebook The Peninsula Question: A Chronicle of the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis, by Yoichi Funabashi

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In October 2002 the United States confronted North Korea with suspicions that Pyongyang was enriching uranium in violation of the Agreed Framework that the nations had worked out during the Clinton administration. North Korea subsequently evicted international monitors and resumed its nuclear weapons program. The Peninsula Question chronicles the resulting second Korean nuclear crisis. Japanese journalist Yoichi Funabashi, informed by interviews with more than 160 diplomats and decision makers from China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United States, provides a behind-the-scenes look at the negotiations to denuclearize the peninsula. Between 2002 and 2006, a series of top level diplomats, including the prime minister of Japan, attempted to engage with North Korea. Funabashi illustrates how the individual efforts of these major powers laid the groundwork for multilateral negotiations, first as the trilateral meeting and then as the Six-Party Talks. The first four rounds of talks (2003–2005) resulted in significant progress. Unfortunately, a lack of implementation after that breakthrough ultimately led to North Korea's missile tests in July and subsequent nuclear tests in October 2006. Th e Peninsula Question provides a window of understanding on the historical, geopolitical, and security concerns at play on the Korean peninsula since 2002. Offering multiple perspectives on the second Korean nuclear crisis, it describes more than just the U.S. and North Korean points of view. It pays special attention to China's dealings with North Korea, providing rare insights to into the decision-making processes of Beijing. This is an important, authoritative resource for understanding the crisis in Korea and diplomacy in Northeast Asia.

• Sales Rank: #801682 in Books
• Brand: Brand: Brookings Institution Press
• Published on: 2007-10-31
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.52" h x .80" w x 6.52" l, 2.17 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 592 pages

Features

• Used Book in Good Condition

Review

"This book is both deep and interesting.... [A] unique aspect is its account of hard issues like HEU and abduction by means of human-interest storytelling." —Choi Wonki, Joongang Ilbo

"This is a masterful book for concerned citizens to appreciate the critical aspects of the second nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula. It is the most comprehensive historical narrative account on the theme." —Saturo Miyamoto, Fellow, Japan Institute of International Affairs

"This is an indispensable source for future historians. Truly an internationally top-level opus describing the modern history of Korea." —Makoto Iokibe, President, National Defense Academy of Japan

"An exceptional example of primary-source history, with more than 160 acknowledged interview subjects from seven countries, plus many more anonymous sources. The narrative is built on these interviews, allowing readers to sense the political microclimate as well as the larger issues at play." —James Kelly, The American Interest

"This book is a useful reference source for understanding why North Korea decided to launch missiles and develop nuclear bombs....It offers diverse perspectives on the behavior of six major players." —Manwoo Lee, Millersville University of Pennsylvania, Asian Affairs, An American Review

"Presents a compelling behind-the-scenes account of the prime minister's two visits to North Korea. He also provides an in-depth look at the circumstances leading to the creation of the six-party talks as well as the negotiations conducted under that framework up until the North Korean nuclear test of October 2006....Mr. Funabashi's narrative will likely remain for the foreseeable future the most detailed and comprehensive account of the second Korean nuclear crisis." —Martin Laflamme, Far Eastern Economic Review

"This is an important, authoritative resource for understanding the crisis in Korea and diplomacy in Northeast Asia." — International Institute for Asian Studies

" The Peninsula Question is a tour de force, drawing on interviews with 160 officials and experts from China, Japan, South Korea, Russia and the United States. This is a wonk's treasure trove, providing minute and fascinating details about who said and wrote what and with what impact, weaving together the perspectives of different participants." —Jeff Kingston, The Japan Times

"[A] fine new book" —Michael Elliott, TIME

"A sweeping account of efforts by the United States, China, South Korea, Japan and Russia to engage North Korea and contain its nuclear ambitions, covering the period leading up to former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visit in 2002 to North Korea's successful underground nuclear test in 2006." — The Asahi Shimbun

" The Peninsula Question richly chronicles new challenges and missed opportunities underlying the second nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula and examines the logic and emotions applied by the parties concerned, namely the current members of the Six-Party talks." — Political Science Quarterly

"The book offers a rare primer on how diplomacy is conducted -- missteps and all -- and insight into the complex motives that drive the actors. It also reveals some larger themes, including North Korea's skill at dividing its enemies, the depth of Beijing's dissatisfaction with Pyongyang, the ineffectiveness of Washington's tactics, and the unfortunate likelihood that North Korea will never give up its nuclear arms." —Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs

Review

"This is an indispensable source for future historians. Truly an internationally top-level opus describing the modern history of Korea." ¿Makoto Iokibe, President, National Defense Academy of Japan

About the Author

Yoichi Funabashi is editor-in-chief of the Asahi Shimbun in Tokyo as well as a former visiting fellow and Distinguished Guest Scholar in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution. He is the editor of Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific (United States Institute of Peace Press, 2003) and the author of Alliance Adrift (Council on Foreign Relations, 1998).

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0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Awesome Scholarship and Imppecable Judgment
By Thomas Plate
This account of the Korean problem is meticulously researched and very carefully presented. A keeper...

0 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
The Peninsula Question
By William M. Simonton
I think because this book was written by a Japanese author it doesn't have an axe or political/ideological slant. Most USA authors do have a slant. It gives really great insight and in-depth look into ROK, US, Japan, PRC, and North Korea's negotiations during the period of this book. I have a BA in East-Asian Studies from UofW (Seattle), MA Kon-Kuk University (Seoul) and I'm a retired Army Officer. Best book on this period I have seen.

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^ Download PDF Becoming Turkish: Nationalist Reforms and Cultural Negotiations in Early Republican Turkey (1923-1945) (Modern Intellectual and Political H

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Becoming Turkish deepens our understanding of the modernist nation-building processes in post-Ottoman Turkey through a rare perspective that stresses social and cultural dimensions and everyday negotiations of the Kemalist reforms. Y?lmaz asks how the reforms were mediated on the ground and how ordinary citizens received, reacted to, and experienced them. She traces the experiences of the subaltern as well as the experiences of the elites and the mediators in the overall narrative-highlighting the relevance of class, gender, location, and urban and rural differences while also revealing the importance of nonideological, social, and psychological factors such as childhood and generations.

• Sales Rank: #1602337 in Books
• Published on: 2013-07-30
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.20" h x 1.10" w x 6.30" l, 1.40 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 352 pages

Review
In this highly original book, Hale Yilmaz uses hitherto unavailable archival material and oral history accounts to analyze aspects of everyday culture in interwar Turkey that scholars know about but have not looked at closely. Her wide-ranging examination of the social impact of Kemalist reforms shows that while people's responses ranged from enthusiastic approbation to intense hostility, most Turks found ways to adapt to state policies that aimed at transforming society. --Houchang Chehabi, Professor of International Relations and History, Boston University

Yilmaz examines how individuals and families responded differently to reforms. In doing so, she successfully demonstrates that a national program was both applied and received variously, not homogeneously, in different regions. --Michael E. Meeker, author of A Nation of Empire

About the Author
Hale Yilmaz is Assistant Professor of History at Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. One of her articles has appeared in the International Journal of Middle East Studies, and she has written a chapter for the edited volume, Women's Memory: The Problem of Sources from the Ottoman Period to Our Times.

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Disability Rhetoric is the first book to view rhetorical theory and history through the lens of disability studies. Traditionally, the body has been seen as, at best, a rhetorical distraction; at worst, those whose bodies do not conform to a narrow range of norms are disqualified from speaking. Yet, Dolmage argues that communication has always been obsessed with the meaning of the body and that bodily difference is always highly rhetorical. Following from this rewriting of rhetorical history, he outlines the development of a new theory, affirming the ideas that all communication is embodied, that the body plays a central role in all expression, and that greater attention to a range of bodies is therefore essential to a better understanding of rhetorical histories, theories, and possibilities.

• Sales Rank: #1093192 in Books
• Published on: 2014-01-22
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.50" h x 6.25" w x 1.25" l, 1.42 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 368 pages

Review
Disability Rhetoric is well-crafted, intricately assembled, and carefully presented. Through it Dolmage establishes a long heritage of rhetorical crafters, people whose extraordinary bodies enabled the cultivation of rhetorical skill. (Rhetoric Review)

About the Author
Jay Timothy Dolmage is associate professor of English at the University of Waterloo. He is the founding editor of the Canadian Journal of Disability Studies.

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2 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Critical Read for Disability Rhetorics
By Lance and Lindy Cummings
This book describes a role for disability rhetoric that goes beyond simply critiquing or contesting unfair or immoral representations of disability. Dolmage proposes that disability rhetoric is an epistemology in and of itself, a way of making meaning. No representation or form of knowledge is ever complete, and disability reminds us of this fact with metis, or cunning intelligence. In addition to this clear articulation of disability rhetoric, Dolmage provides several heuristics with which to analyze cultural texts that seek to represent disability, making this book also useful for any classroom that is engaging cultural norms through popular media.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent Contribution
By Bruce E. Henderson
Excellent, accessible scholarly book. Author makes intriguing arguments, builds helpfully on classical rhetorical traditions, and writes in intelligent language that avoids the jargon of much theory. I plan to use it as a textbook.

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Four Stars
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I've been out of practice. This is an intellectually rich perspective on Disability, resulting in reading and rereading sections.

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** Download Ebook Policing Egyptian Women: Sex, Law, and Medicine in Khedival Egypt (Gender and Globalization), by Liat Kozma

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Policing Egyptian Women delineates the intricate manner in which the modern state in Egypt monitored, controlled, and "policed" the bodies of subaltern women. Some of these women were runaway slaves, others were deflowered outside of marriage, and still others were prostitutes. Kozma traces the effects of nineteenth-century developments such as the expansion of cities, the abolition of the slave trade, the formation of a new legal system, and the development of a new forensic medical expertise on these women who lived at the margins of society.

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• Sales Rank: #2902875 in Books
• Published on: 2011-09-06
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.37" h x .76" w x 6.29" l, .95 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 174 pages

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In 1989 New Zealand embarked on what is arguably the most thorough and dramatic transformation of a compulsory state education system ever undertaken by an industrialized country. Under a plan known as Tomorrow's Schools this island nation of 3.8 million people abolished its national Department of Education and turned control of its nearly 2,700 primary and secondary schools over to locally elected boards of trustees. Virtually overnight, one of the world's most tightly controlled public education systems became one of the most decentralized. Two years later, in 1991, with a new government in power, New Zealand enacted further reforms that introduced full parental choice of schools and encouraged the development of a competitive culture in the state education system. Debate rages in the United States about whether similar reforms would improve the performance of the country's troubled public school system. Judgments about the potential benefits of these ideas, as well as the general relevance of economic models to educational systems, tap into deeply held values, and discussion in the U.S. has been hampered by the lack of practical experience with them. The extended and widespread experiences of New Zealand, whose school system functions much like our own, provide U.S. policy makers with a wide range of appropriate insights and implications to consider as they gauge the merits of bold education reform. When Schools Compete is the first book to provide detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the New Zealand experiment. Combining the perceptive observations of a prominent education journalist and the analytical skills of an academic policy analyst, this book will help supporters and critics of market-based education reforms better anticipate the potential long-term consequences of applying ideas of market competition to the delivery of education.

• Sales Rank: #5319971 in Books
• Published on: 2000-04
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.25" h x 6.25" w x 1.25" l, .8 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 320 pages

Review

"Edward B. Fiske and... Helen F. Ladd have put together a detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis... (Included as Notable Book of 2000)" —Rebecca Jones, Senior Editor of ASBJ, American School Board Journal, 1/3/2001

"Their book should be this summer's required reading for every education policy maker in the United States." —Dorothy Shipps, Teachers College, Teachers College Record, 4/3/2001

"When Schools Compete: a Cautionary Tale (Brookings Institution Press), by Edward Fiske and Helen Ladd, warns that competition doesn't always produce good results for minorities. New Zealand's 10-year experiment with something like a national system of c" —Gail Russell Chaddock, Christian Science Monitor, 4/3/2001

"Parental choice and competition among schools have led to an increase in ethnic polarisation, and a wider gap between poor and rich schools, according to two American education experts." —New Zealand Press Association, Waikato Times (Hamilton)

"[When Schools Compete] is first rate in almost every respect: lucidly written, readily accessible, rigorously argued, systematic in its coverage, empirically well grounded, eminently balanced in its treatment of the relevant issues, and full of fascinatin" —Jonathan Boston, New Zealand Education Review

"Fiske, a long-term former education editor at The New York Times, and Ladd, a professor of economics and public policy at Duke University, lay out admirably the reforms in New Zealand." —Madelyn Holmes, Basic Education

"PARENTAL choice and competition among schools have led to an increase in ethnic polarisation, and a wider gap between poor and rich schools, according to two American education experts. Former New York Times education editor Edward Fiske and Duke Univ" — The Dominion (Wellington)

"When School's Compete: A Cautionary Tale said polarisation was the most negative result of the reforms, which were introduced in 1989 and gave schools autonomy and parents the right to choose their children's schools." —Alexander Miriyana, The Sunday Star-Times (Auckland)

"During their five months in New Zealand in 1998, Ladd and Fiske visited nearly 50 schools, analyzed data from the Ministry of Education and other sources and interviewed teachers, principals, parents, government officials and other policy makers.... Du" —Samantha Peterson, The Herald-Sun (Durham, NC)

"Those pondering the effect of the growing school-choice movement in America should look at New Zealand, [When Schools Compete] says. That country's experience suggests that opening enrollment to all public schools and providing vouchers for private school" —Jay Matthews, The Washington Post

"[Fiske and Ladd] offer a series of yellow lights for Americans and others interested in hot educational issues like school choice and charter schools." —Joe Williams, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

"It is a rare pleasure to find a book that carefully examines the practices of another country with regard to a policy with which we are still experimenting." —Jennifer L. Hochschild, Harvard University, Education Matters, 7/1/2001

"This book is a pleasure to read. It effectively combines textured examples with common-sense empirical analysis to provide a relatively balanced description of the evolution and progress of one country's experience with fundamental educational reform. It is a welcome addition to the heated school choice debate." —C.E. Rouse, Princeton University, Economics of Education Review, no. 21, 2002

About the Author

Edward B. Fiske, an educational consultant and writer, is the author of the annual Fiske Guide to Colleges. He served as education editor of the New York Times from 1974 to 1991. Helen F. Ladd is Edgar Thompson Professor of Public Policy Studies and professor of economics at Duke University's Sanford Institute of Public Policy.

Most helpful customer reviews

10 of 15 people found the following review helpful.
"An Imaginary Tale" by John Merrifield
By John Merrifield
As review of New Zealand's important public school choice program, the Fiske-Ladd book is a must-read, and indeed a "cautionary tale." Unfortunately, Fiske and Ladd squandered an opportunity to make an even larger contribution to discussions of public school choice by imagining that competition arises when families can choose which government-owned and operated facility to enroll their children in. They spin their facts into an imaginary tale even though their thorough research and meticulous reporting makes it quite clear that none of the conditions that prevail in a market exist in New Zealand's school system. There are no prices or profits. Unpopular schools are not closed or reconstituted into clones of the over-crowded, popular schools. The government won't expand or duplicate popular schools while unpopular schools have unused capacity. Instead the New Zealand central government has reacted to the waiting lists at some of the popular schools by re-imposing attendance areas on a limited basis. It means they force some families to enroll their children in a school they had hoped to escape. Again, unlike a market, parents' enrollment choices are not the only determinant of each school's share of government funding. That further mutes the limited rivalry for students possible within a government-controlled system. New Zealand schools cannot differentiate themselves to nearly the extent that independently owned schools would do in a true market system. The central government mandates a core curriculum, and political pressures limit remaining opportunities to specialize. The effects of public school choice we are supposed to be cautious about are not the result of competition, but, instead, are the result of its absence. Sadly, the Fiske-Ladd mistake of imagining the presence of competition and market forces where they do not exist is a common assualt on the integrity of the public debate of K-12 reform options. Editorials in the Wall Street Journal and Education Week have already mistakenly cited the Fiske-Ladd book to bolster a claim that competition has limited benefits and noteworthy costs. That may be so, but the Fiske-Ladd findings are not evidence for the effects of anything but the effects of open enrollment within a government education monopoly.

4 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
"The Truth About Vouchers"
By Walt Gardner
Few issues in public education are guaranteed to provoke the kind of emotional response as vouchers. Yet despite the fervent arguments made by both sides in the debate, no hard evidence was available to judge the validity of their claims. That has all changed with the publication of "When Schools Compete" by Edward B. Fiske and Helen F. Ladd.
The authors present a probing and comprehensive report of New Zealand's experiment with vouchers, which stands as the definitive study of the subject. It's a compelling story, with far-reaching implications for this country. Fiske and Ladd make the events that took place in that faraway land come alive through a combination of exhaustive research and brisk writing.
In the early 1990s, New Zealand granted all public schools complete operational autonomy and abolished attendance zones. Parents were free to choose any school, including parochial schools. Vouchers followed students to their school of choice. In one fell swoop, the government created the kind of educational free marketplace that supporters assert will improve schools.
What happened,however,was contrary to expectations. The best schools quickly filled up. Hard-to-teach students, disproportionately poor and minority, were turned away and were effectively forced to return to their schools of origin. These schools became significantly more polarized along ethnic and socioeconomic lines than before. Realizing that its grand experiment was not working, New Zealand began to pull back in the late 1990s. The country is still trying to recover from the fiasco it created.
While New Zealand is not the U.S., it shares many values, customs and traditions, including a common language. Moreover, it has a sizable number of minorities in the form of Maoris and Pacific Islanders, many of whom live in the inner cities.
Fiske and Ladd's groundbreaking book should be required reading for everyone interested in education. Given the emotional issues involved, however, that isn't likely to happen. The losers in all of this,unfortunately, will be those students most in need.
Walt Gardner
Los Angeles CA
Walt Gardner, who taught for 28 years in the Los Angeles Unified School District, writes often on education.

5 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
This book is a work of fiction
By S. Thoms
This book has no credibility at all. I am a New Zealander and have had kids at New Zealand schools through the nineties and they are currently still in New Zealand schools. New Zealand has never had a voucher system. New Zealand schools have never had complete operational autonomy and most schools had attendance zones. A minority of schools had `bulk funding', ie they were funded a set amount per child, depending on the number of children on their role, on a given day in the year. The authors may have confused this with a voucher system but a voucher system is very different to bulk funding, and most schools were not bulk funded. Intelligent discussion on competition between schools is required but these authors have taken some far away country then made up a story to fit their political agenda.

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