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Compared with other developed nations, the United States is unique in its high rates of both gun ownership and murder. Although widespread gun ownership does not have much effect on the overall crime rate, gun use does make criminal violence more lethal and has a unique capacity to terrorize the public. Gun crime accounts for most of the costs of gun violence in the United States, which are on the order of $100 billion per year. But that is not the whole story. Guns also provide recreational benefits and sometimes are used virtuously in fending off or forestalling criminal attacks. Given that guns may be used for both good and ill, the goal of gun policy in the United States has been to reduce the flow of guns to the highest-risk groups while preserving access for most people. There is no lack of opinions on policies to regulate gun commerce, possession, and use, and most policy proposals spark intense controversy. Whether the current system achieves the proper balance between preserving access and preventing misuse remains the subject of considerable debate. Evaluating Gun Policy provides guidance for a pragmatic approach to gun policy using good empirical research to help resolve conflicting assertions about the effects of guns, gun control, and law enforcement. The chapters in this volume do not conform neatly to the claims of any one political position. The book is divided into five parts. In the first section, contributors analyze the connections between rates of gun ownership and two outcomes of particular interest to society—suicide and burglary. Regulating ownership is the focus of the second section, where contributors investigate the consequences a large-scale combined gun ban and buy-back program in Australia, as well as the impact of state laws that prohibit gun ownership to those with histories of domestic violence. The third section focuses on efforts to restrict gun carrying and includes a critical examination of efforts in Pittsburgh to patrol illegal gun traffic and a re-examination of the effects of permissive state gun-carrying laws. This section also features the first rigorous—and critical—analysis of Richmond's Project Exile, which serves as one model for the national Project Safe Neighborhoods program. The fourth section focuses on efforts to facilitate research on gun violence, including a database on state gun laws and the ongoing development of a nationwide violent-death reporting system. The book concludes with an examination of the policy process. Differences in opinion about gun policy flourish partly because of the lack of sound evidence in this area. The contributors to this volume demonstrate that skilled and dispassionate analysis of the evidence is attainable, even in an area as contentious as firearm policy. For pragmatists who wish to reduce the social burden of gun violence, there is no acceptable alternative.
- Sales Rank: #2912620 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Brookings Inst Pr
- Published on: 2003-02-21
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.16" h x 1.01" w x 6.02" l, 1.42 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 469 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"This collection of essays deserves special praise for including authors on both sides... It ought to be the starting point for any future debate over gun policy... " — Washington Post Book World, 2/2/2003
About the Author
Jens Ludwig is associate professor of public policy at Georgetown University and formerly the Andrew W. Mellon Fellow in Economic Studies at the Brookings Institution and a visiting scholar at the Northwestern University/University of Chicago Joint Center for Poverty Research. Philip J. Cook is the ITT/Sanford Professor of Public Policy at Duke University. Cook and Jens Ludwig coauthored Gun Violence: The Real Costs (2000, Oxford University Press).
Most helpful customer reviews
10 of 15 people found the following review helpful.
Sadly, a biased political work to support a platform
By Security_Geek
I was hoping for an even-handed treatise on gun policy when I picked this up, and it was bad by page 3, already petulantly casting rocks at other researchers and making broad statements that didn't ring true, and I had to go research some of the statements that sounded like BS. I found many deep flaws, and since these can effect gun policy, flaws of this nature are written in blood, so I'll point them out, so you know how bad this book is. The most glaring is that they repeatedly state that there is no correlation between gun ownership and crime (when gun ownership has nearly doubled over the last 2 decades, and violent crime is at a 16 year low), and citing the drop in violent crime in the UK following massive firearms confiscation (crime has instead risen).
It quickly became clear that the authors hold two views that cannot both be true - they state that there is no correlation between gun ownership and prevention of crime (false), then also state that gun laws that reduce gun ownership would save lives - ignoring the fact that criminals, by definition, don't follow laws. It became quickly obvious that they treated any use of a gun as bad, even if it was by a potential victim to avoid a crime. Confused by their bald inconsistency, I went and cranked the numbers myself, comparing the annual FBI violent crime stats to the annual Brady Campaign "report cards" for aggressive gun control. Those states with the most restrictive gun laws have the highest crime per capita, and vice-versa, by quartile. Bzzzt! Sorry guys, wrong again.
After contending emphatically that there is NO correlation between gun ownership and crime rates, the authors again contradicted themselves 10 pages later by lauding the banning of handguns in Washington D.C. and Australia as measures that they predict will reduce crime (when the opposite came to be), reversing their statement (recinded again a few pages later), indicating that there IS a correlation between gun ownership and reducing crime. I had to go back and re-read that chapter, WTF?
Another confusing thing was that stats on gun deaths used by the authors ignored the fact that more than 50% were suicide or lawful use of firearms in self-defense (per CDC), and treated all firearms deaths equally, even after providing evidence that gun ownership is very likely to have little effect on suicide rates (i.e. - that firearm suicides without guns would turn into other suicides, saving few if any lives). By page 19, it was obvious the authors consider any death by gunshot to be bad, even if it saves the life of an innocent (but never call for disarming the police?).
On the whole, this book had a platform, and did careful picking and choosing to arrive at the answers it wanted to put forward as an agenda. The words used make this agenda clear: Semi-automatic rifles are referred to as "assault weapons", private sales of firearms are described as "loopholes" or the "gun show loophole", and Illinois restrictions now struck down as unconstitutional are praised as models. School shootings were tossed in ominously, without statistical analysis, in dire terms, even though a quick Internet search would have shown that school shootings are in fact substantially down, it's media coverage that is up. (See Bath School disaster, 44 dead 58 wounded, in 1927, as one example). In this book, it's used as a scare tactic presented without research.
I'm really sorry I wasted the money on this book, but it did teach me a valuable lesson, just not the ones the authors intended. I learned a LOT about gun control because the glaring issues and confusion of the book encouraged me to seek out and research more.
0 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Waste of time
By John Monroe
This book isn't meant for ... Well anyone. I really enjoy the study of statistics, especially as it relates to social theory and crime, however, this book is just some political rhetoric.
18 of 36 people found the following review helpful.
Busting the Real Myths of Guns
By Michael V. Rosenberg
This collection of studies is, unfortunately, not light reading (especially for those lacking a solid grounding in statistical methods). Nor, like many of the pro-gun tracts, do the studies included set out clear and definitive conclusions.
What it does is present a number of studies and articles by those scholars who the NRA would label as "gun grabbers" offering evidence that challenges many of the more widely disseminated pro-gun arguments and pseudo-scientific works of authors like John Lott.
For example, while John Donohue's article presents a rather compelling case that Lott's conclusion (summed up as "More Guns, Less Crime") is deeply flawed he notes:
"If one had previously been inclined to believe the Lott and Mustard results, one might now conclude that the statistical evidence that crime will rise when a shall-issue law is passed is at least as compelling as the prior evidence that was amassed to show it would fall. However, there are still enough anomoliesin the data that warrent caution."
That's quite different from Lott's certitude in "More Guns, Less Crime" and, given the evidence, it is Lott's certitude that should be called into question, even before the conclusions about which he is so certain.
One other example merits particular note. That study, by Steven Raphael and Jens Ludwig, challanges the effectiveness of one program that is the "darling" of both the NRA *and* the Brady Campaign -- Richmond's Project Exile. The study concludes that the drop is actually something more akin to "regression to the mean" -- where the implementation followed a particurly steep risee in homicides and the subsequent drop is more attributable to the return to the "normal" rates than the increased focus itself. What the study doesn't mention is that, in 1997 (the base year used in hyping the program's success), homicide rates in Richmond had risen so steeply (contrary to other Virginia metropolitan areas) that Richmond's homicide rate exceeded Washington, DC's.
It many ways, it's a shame that the book isn't written for a wider audience, because the gun debate is one where the loudest and most self-certain voices carry more weight among the public than the most reasoned ones.
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